The reforms in the land system during the 17th and 18th centuries replaced sipahis with ayans (people with tax collecting privileges on agricultural production). The land continued to be redistributed to the surviving ayans and continually re-divided.

Auguste Comte, who is considered to be the father of sociology, claimed that all societies are doomed to go through three stages of evolution called theological, metaphysical, and finally positive.

The fourth type of secularization is unique with religion being a component of the national identity. In Greece and in Ireland, for instance, religion is considered as the cement of the national identity against an imperialist enemy.

Although there were a large number of young officers in the coup, their positions were not clear. Because the coup was not achieved in a chain of command, a serious confusion arose on managing the post-coup period. For this reason, the architects of the coup formed a commission which was called the National Unity Committee (Milli Birlik Komitesi). The National Unity Committee consisted of 38 officers and most of them were colonels and lower ranking military officers. The National Unity Committee had the authority to make regulations through which the power was effectively centred in the committee. In a short time, the National Unity Committee banned all political activities within the country, and lots of people were arrested. After the coup, most of the high ranking military officers who had served in the DP government were retired. There were 235 generals and admirals among almost 5,000 military officers who were retired. Only twenty generals remained in the army (Özdağ, 1997, p. 307). This has also ruined the hierarchy in the army. It was mentioned that most of the National Unity Committee members were officers in lower ranks. These officers were ordering their commanders, who were at the higher ranks. Within a short period of time, disagreements emerged within the National Unity Committee. More precisely, conflicting political views of the committee members who had acted together to achieve the coup d’etat emerged. The National Unity Committee composed of officials who were predominantly pro-Republican People’s Party. These officers wanted to act with the CHP leader İsmet İnönü. On the contrary, another group consisting of 14 people had nationalist tendencies. This group which was led by Alparslan Türkeş was against not only the DP but also the CHP. The power struggle between these two groups resulted in the removal of these 14 officers one of whom was Türkeş. They were given foreign missions and, through this way were distanced from the country. Thus, the National Unity Committee could have a more homogeneous character.

The CHP government enacted the Wealth Levy (Varlık Vergisi) in 1943, and it was directed mainly against nonMuslim minority enterprises. D is the right answer.

The Progressive Republican Party was closed on the ground that it was associated with the rebels. The founders of the party were judged, and some former commanders such as Kazım (Karabekir) Pasha, Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) Pasha, Refet (Bele) Pasha and Rauf (Orbay) Bey were excluded from politics in this way.

In 1928 the principle that the religion of the State is Islam was removed from the Constitution in Turkey.

In 1980 many politicians were “banned” from politics. Only three parties had the right to enter the elections. These were the Motherland Party (Anavatan Partisi-ANAP), the Populist Party (Halkçı Parti-HP) and the Nationalist Democracy Party (Milliyetçi Demokrasi Partisi-MDP). Therefore, the correct option is C.

May 27, 1960, Turkey witnessed a coup d’etat which stopped a ten-year period of democracy in the country. In fact, throughout the DP rule, different junta initiatives began to emerge within the military. Some small groups of officers began preparations to overthrow the political power. These had secret meetings among themselves. Some practices in the last period of the DP government encouraged the military officers who were in search of a military intervention. Criticisms about the authoritarian rule of the government led some intellectuals to cooperate with the pro-junta groups in the army. As a result, most colonels and a group of lower-ranking officers of the Armed Forces took action on May 27, 1960 for a coup d’etat. The head of the coup was the former Commander of the Land Forces Cemal Gürsel who had recently retired. By choosing a retired top general as the leader of the junta, the coup plotters were trying to prevent a possible dissolution among themselves. They also aimed at ensuring the support of the military as a whole through this manoeuvre. 

In the 1960s, the domestic industry (with the almost total exclusion of foreign consumer goods) captured local markets with high profit margins. A competition-free environment, however, caused misallocation of resources and a maximization of costs in industry. The favorable exchange rates accorded to the investment goods contributed to the capital-intensive industries, which were characterized, by low efficiency and high costs as a result of being domestically oriented (Barkey, 1984). Low industrial efficiency was the result of Turkish development planning, which emphasized high growth rates through a large allocation of investment to import-substituted basic industry and the direction and the use of administrative regulation rather than incentives to ensure the effective functioning of the market.

Then came Demirel’s prime ministery and the Nationalist Front Government (AP-MHP-MSP-CGP) was a harbinger of the frontline politics, which would influence both parliament and society.

After the Second World War, the world was divided into two political poles. One of the poles consisted of liberal-capitalist countries led by the United States while the other block composed of communist countries led by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). That time, Turkey preferred to develop close relations with the Western world. Turkey, for example, became a member of the newly established United Nations. As a result of this preference, Turkey’s transition to multiparty politics was required. For this reason, in 1945, the establishment of new parties was allowed. The most powerful party established during this period was the Democrat Party (Demokrat Parti-DP). The four founders of the party, Celal Bayar, Adnan Menderes, Refik Koraltan and Fuat Köprülü, were members of the Parliament as the Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi-CHP) deputies. In other words, the opposition was born in the CHP itself.

The constitution of 1982 empowers the branch of executive power. The position of president in the executive power was more powerful than the position of prime minister and the council of ministers. In the original version of the constitution of 1982, it was stated that the president did not have a political responsibility. The council of ministers was the main organ of the executive power. The president used to appoint a member of parliament to form a government and this member used to pick names and to submit them for approval by the president. Vote of confidence by the assembly was compulsory for the council of ministers. The amendments made in 2017 changed the structure of the executive power. The position of prime minister was removed from the political system and the president became the head of the council of ministers and executive power.

The date of transition to constitutional-monarchy government in Turkey is 1876. The Ottoman constitution of 1876 which was an ephemeral experience, drafting the political-legal framework of First Constitutional Era did not bring a real sense of the parliamentary regime, yet, it has revealed, so to speak a ‘parliamentary’ pattern. First Constitutional Era which would end in 1878, is a period in which political parties have not emerged yet and no idea of choice based on universal and equal voting in a real sense was present.

During the interim regime between March 1971 and October 1973, four interim regime governments were established, the prime ministers of two of which were Nihat Erim and the other two, Ferit Melen and Naim Talu.

Protection of the Turkish currency and the restriction of foreign trade activities were necessary components of politico-economic engineering. The government continued its own program to support domestic industry and to nationalize foreign capital especially in the field of public services with the resources drawn from agricultural taxation.

Kemalism radically differentiates itself from the previous Ottomanism and Islamism movements in terms of who the nation is. It also ideologically transforms the concept of Turkism from the Ottoman period and places it on the basis of the new secular republic. The understanding of Kemalist nationalism is not expansionist and irredentist. It does not have Turanist or Pan-Turkist aims. Within the national borders it has got homogeneous and anti-pluralist nature. The aim of Kemalism is to build a modern society and the state. But the existing social and political structure is not suitable for this purpose. For this reason, Kemalists first of all try to design society and the state through economic, cultural and legal regulations. This is a kind of social engineering attempt. At this point, nationalism in the modernization project of Kemalism serves the purpose of forming a homogeneous socio-cultural structure with a secular basis.

The correct answer is C. 

In1928, the principle of‘ The religion of the state is Islam’ was removed from the constitution. In 1937, the principle of secularism (laïcité) was put into the constitution.