The Village Institutes chose their students from the successful children in villages, and they were educated both practically, and theoretically, the agricultural and constructional skills and classical education in language, mathematics and history were provided. It was Imam-Hatip schools that provided semi-religious terms.

Option B is related to directly to Turkish conservatism.

Since Plato and Aristotle, at least one definition of politics is based on the idea of a good life.

Another great principle on which the new regime was based was secularism. Through the secularization policies, the influence of religion on political and social areas was aimed to diminish. Major developments in this stance were the abolition of the caliphate, the closure of Medressehs and lodges and zawiyas, the law of unification of education, and some regulations brought in the name of modern clothing. In 1928, the provision declaring that the “Religion of the State is Islam” was removed from the constitution. Thus, an essential step was taken towards the implementation of the principle of secularism. However, as explained below, secularism was introduced into the constitution in 1937.

The relative transition to parliamentary democracy in 1950 opened the door for other ideological inclinations, such as socialism and liberalism, which both had a relatively weak tradition in Turkey. Then Islamism found a way to reassert itself. 

TpCF is Turkey’s first opposition party.It was established under the leadership of Kazım Karabekir, Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) Pasha, Refet (Bele) Pasha, Rauf (Orbay) Bey and Adnan (Adıvar) Bey.It was founded on November 17, 1924.The party opposed statism in the economic policies and defended the liberal economy. Politically, the party focused on the enlargement of freedoms. Following the Sheikh Said Rebellion, TPCF was closed following the Takrir-i Sükun Law. 

The correct answer is C. 

The essential element in any given social and political process is the subject, who may be man or woman, poor or rich, old or young, educated or uneducated, conservative or liberal. The list includes an indefinite dichotomy, and it could go further. Subject in this sense dissolves in many figurations based on social, political, cultural and gender differentiations. Subjectivization is a process the subject becomes itself, but the moment subject accepts itself as it is, an objective crack appears between subject and its representation. This failure accomodates acts of subjectivization through which subject tries to redefine, rebuild and reasserts itself on the political scene. Subjectness is not a permanent position, and it is not a solid configuration which does not change. Therefore a “voter” is not simply someone who just gives his/her vote, and then settles down. A “worker” is not someone who just works at workplace and continues to do so. An ideologically motivated person in a political movement has also a daily life to deal with. A woman is not just a woman with only a biological disposition to rely on, but she has also other features to be defined. She is, for instance, also the mother of future of a nation to be called upon in a nationalist discourse, an emancipatory subject for feminist movement. As can be understood from the information given, the correct answer is E. All the differentations in the answer choices express the differentations in which the subject in any given social and political process dissolves in.

The disintegration of the classical order meant the loss of power for the Ottoman Empire socially and economically, politically and militarily. The defeats, particularly in the military field, were regarded as the biggest problem for the administrator classes, followed by the disintegration of the classical order. Accordingly, there are efforts to implement a series of reform initiatives first in the military field for the restoration of the traditional order. In this regard, during the reign of Selim III and Mahmud II, we observe that many reforms were put into practice. For instance, Selim III attempted to create a new army as an alternative to Janissaries (Yeniçeriler) and hence, he is the one to implement the first major reform initiatives in the military field. Therefore, the correct option is C.

Democrat Party (Demokrat Parti-DP), which came to power at 14 May 1950 elections, is not a party that gave direction to Turkish politics during its 10-year rule. DP is a party that goes beyond the period of its rule and continues its effects even after it was closed by the military coup on 27 May, 1960. DP and its leader Menderes are an important basis for legitimacy for the liberal-conservative centre-right politics which has the potential support of roughly two-thirds of the people in Turkey. Almost all of the parties in this line are trying to show themselves as a continuation of DP and to lay claim on the DP legacy

Three parties were allowed to participate in the 1983 elections. These were the Nationalist Democracy Party (Milliyetçi Demokrasi Partisi MDP) led by Retired General Turgut Sunalp, The Populist Party (Halkçı Parti-HP) led by Necdet Calp, who also served as principal clerk to İnonü, and the Motherland Party (Anavatan Partisi-ANAP) led by Turgut Özal, who served as the minister responsible for the economy in the post-coup government. Although Kenan Evren clearly favoured the MDP, ANAP which was given the role of ‘small/half’ party, won the election by %45.1 vote rate. ANAP is Turkey’s first truly ‘catch-all’ party. Özal, who claimed to unite the four tendencies, described his party as a nationalist, conservative, and a party in favour of free enterprise and social justice. ANAP was a party with weak ideological basis, that combined politics with economic rationality, promised social and economic transformation (with Özal’s conceptualization ‘transformation’ and ‘leap of age’), and paid attention to the welfare of the middle classes (as Özal calls it ‘the middle pillar’).

The liberal-conservative forms of nationalism seem more moderate than others. They try to add modernity and democracy to Turkish and Islamic elements of nationalist ideology. The question of modernization, the main element in the historical context of nationalism, is also added into the goal of rescuing and keeping the state. The synthesis that Ziya Gökalp sought to establish among Turk, Islam and Modernity is also the beginning of works in this direction. Yusuf Akçura, who proposes Turkism as a liberation force against Ottomanism and Islamism in his work titled ‘Three Types of Policy’, can also be mentioned as one of the liberal nationalists. Ali Fuad Başgil also defended nationalism based on liberal and conservative values. Other important names that may be mentioned in this context are Mümtaz Turhan and Erol Güngör.

Süleyman Demirel and the Justice Party were removed from the power by the army on September 12, 1980.

The students of politics should be aware of the fact that politics always works within the unnatural realm in the sense that not only politics is inevitably mediated by unnatural social and historical forces, but also politics is a constant struggle against naturalness of anything given. Therefore, our life in politics, our choices in political process are the direct consequences of our social existence,

The legacy of Second Constitutional Era can be summarized at several points: (1) In the Second Constitutional Monarchy period, a fundamental change occurred in the conception of sovereignty. The foundations of the transition from monarchical domination to nation domination were laid down. 2) The exercise of power use based on the separation of the parliamentary regime and the powers is the legacy of this period. (3) Turkey experienced first multiparty political experience, political contestants and parties were institutionalized during this period. (4) The division of İTC-HİF also determined the line of political conflict of later periods. The division between the modernist-authoritarian line and the liberal-conservative line gained continuity. This division was reproduced at different levels in different periods. (5) The style of politics, based on the methods of oppression of İTC, led to a weak political tradition with its legal and normative dimension. An approach that reduced the politics to a power struggle that became settled. (6) Another negative aspect of the Second Constitutional Era was the politicization of the army. It is also the legacy of this period that the army was transformed into a pro-coup-overthrown political power, and beyond that it adopted this role.

The correct answer is E. 

In 1930, there was a second attempt to adopt a multi-party democracy through the foundation of another opposition party. Nevertheless, the opposition party was not established in its own dynamics. At the time, Atatürk requested that Fethi Bey (former Prime Minister), who was the Paris embassy, establish an opposition party with a liberal program. Atatürk requested from his sister Makbule Hanım and some CHP deputies that they register as members of the new party. Atatürk promised the Liberal Republican Party (Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası-SCF) founders that he would be impartial against both parties as the President of the Republic. SCF produced a significant impact in a short time. A large number of citizens from different areas applied to the party for becoming a member. The party completed its domestic organization in a short time. However, the growth of the party in a short time led to negative consequences for its political future. SCF participated in the local elections in October 1930, and won 30 out of 502 municipalities. The claims that the results of the elections were dishonest, made by the party’s leader, Fethi Bey, raised the tension considerably in politics. Some CHP leaders claimed that the new party posed a threat to their power. The tension between these two parties and the unease in his own party worried Atatürk as well, and he told Fethi Bey that he was the leader of CHP and would no longer remain neutral. This situation alarmed SCF leaders, particularly Fethi Bey. Therefore, in November 1930, SCF dissolved itself. He returned to diplomacy. One of these reasons why this opposition party was made to be founded by Atatürk was presumably to eliminate the dissatisfaction arousing within the country at the time. Indeed, the reforms in the early years of the Republic have caused dissatisfaction in the wider social sectors. Furthermore, economic difficulties in the country continued. Accordingly, it could be argued that the regime needed a controlled opposition (Zürcher, 2018, p. 211). In addition, the establishment of an opposition party was a functional tool for giving an image of a democratic country to the world. Nevertheless, it was unexpected that the SCF would grow in such a short time. Therefore, the attempt to create an opposition under the control of the regime was soon abandoned. 

GP (Reliance Party-Güven Partisi): A minor party that was created in 1967 by a dissident group of CHP parliamentarians. Turhan Feyzioğlu was the chairman of this new party. Later renamed CGP (Republican Reliance Party-Cumhuriyetçi Güven Partisi).

Here are some significant common points related to the Ottoman modernization. Firstly, reform initiatives were mainly launched in the military field. Despite the turnover of the administrative staff, the attempts to reform the military field never ended in the last century of the Ottoman Empire. In the last years of the Ottoman Empire, German experts continued the reform activities formerly initiated by some French experts. Secondly, the reform initiatives that were launched in the military field were implemented in other problematic areas. For example, initiatives to improve tax collection mechanisms in order to improve the financial system of the state were persistently sustained by each ruler. Several measures have been taken in this direction and the system has experienced a transformation in the direction of establishing a modern system of finance. Similarly, the administrative and legal system of the state continuously improved. Finally, we should not forget to mention that the measures taken in the education system continued for a while.

Doğru cevap D'dir. 

Throughout the three centuries, from the 1300s until the 1600s, the Ottoman Empire was able to protect the status quo of the classical period without any significant obstacles. On the contrary, after the 1600s, it was impossible to maintain this order for various reasons. One of the main reasons is the disintegration of provincial order. When the land system, based on the production of small peasants and a subsistence economy began to be dissolved principally because of the corruption caused by the Sipahis, the control of the land was captured by the landlords and the Christian notables; and millions of peasants experienced harsh conditions. İnalcık argues that this is not an easy transformation, rather the fundamental reason causing the collapse of the empire (2011, p. 39). Considering that the fiscal balance of the state was largely achieved by the agricultural production of the peasants, it would not be hard to see what serious consequences it had when the timar (tımar) system was dissolved. In addition, we need to note that the development of new weapon technologies was another significant development that transformed the classical order and that diminished the importance of the timar holder in the system. The increasing trade of the Ottoman Empire with the West and its peripheralization as the requirement of the capitalization constitute another variable that dissolved the classical order. Accordingly, the influence of the Ottoman Empire in the world economy gradually lost its value with the loss of commercial significance of the Mediterranean and the Silk Road. Certainly, the financial burden caused by the long wars with Iran and Russia signifies another important factor. All of these reasons caused the disintegration of the classical Ottoman system.

The party that closed after the 1960 coup was DP. After the coup, the suspended activities of other parties (CHP and CKMP) were released on 29 September 1960. The main issue after the coup was, who would fill the DP’s vacancy. The two biggest candidates were, Justice Party (Adalet Partisi-AP) under the presidency of Ragıp Gümüşpala and the New Turkey Party under the presidency of Ekrem Alican. Both parties had a liberal program and seeked to fill the gap that the DP had left. The view which appeared in the elections of 15 October 1961 after the May 27 coup, gives the impression that there was a change in the party system at first glance. However, a closer look reveals that there is no fundamental change. The formation of a four-party parliament can be explained by the competition of three parties targeting the DP voters. More importantly, it is seen that the election did not change the table of the period of 1950-60, and the division taking place over the centre-periphery opposition is preserved. CHP received % 36.7of the votes in the 1961 National Assembly; this rate is about 4.5 points below the CHP’s votes in the 1957 elections. In this election, AP received %34.8, Republican Villagers Nation Parti (Cumhuriyetçi Köylü Millet Partisi-CKMP) %14 and New Turkey Parti (Yeni Türkiye PartisiYTP) %13.7 of the votes. The votes of these three parties matching to the DP votes are 62.5%. This table shows that the superiority of the parties seeking the periphery votes continues to increase. 

D is about feminism, C is about Islamism, B is about socialism, A is about conservatism.